John Wycliffe as a Reformer

John Knox

The Lives of Eusebius & Bede

Augustus Hopkins Strong: 'A Theological Pilgrimage'

         The tremendous influence that John Knox exerted in the country of Scotland during the sixteenth century was certainly not a reflection of his humble beginnings (Maccunn 1).  He was born in the small town of Haddington, Scotland around 1514 (Jones 8).[1]  His humble background, however, gave him an instinctive ability to communicate effectively with ordinary people (8).  However, he was able to attain a good education from a local school, which enabled him to further his studies at the University of St. Andrews under the reputable theologian, John Major (8).[2]  It was Major who first introduced Knox to the abuses and other discrepancies of the Catholic Church and its papacy (Knox, Writings of the Rev. John Knox v).  In spite of this, Knox was ordained to the priesthood of the Catholic Church in April of 1536 (8). 

         However, as time progressed, due primarily to the influx of Lutheran literature from Europe and the execution of the Protestant convert Patrick Hamilton, doubt began to fill the young mind of Knox concerning the validity of his faith (Jones 8-9).[3]  Then, in 1543, a policy was issued in Scotland that permitted the preaching of the Protestant message (8).  It was this message, preached by Thomas Guilliame, which made a Protestant out of Knox (9).  It is from this point where John Knox began his journey to bring about Reformation to Scotland.

            Shortly after Scotland authorized the policy that granted freedom to the Protestants and their message, in the mid-1540’s these same authorities dissipated their previous decision and began to persecute the Protestants all over again (9).  It was at this point in time that George Wishart, a Protestant preacher, had returned to Scotland from Switzerland (Kyle, The Mind of John Knox 51).  Wishart was undaunted by the threats of the Scottish authorities, and persisted to boldly proclaim his message over various parts of the country (Jones 9).  It was in 1545 when Knox decided to become apart of Wishart's camaraderie (M'Crie 26).  He quickly attached himself to Wishart and learned a great deal from his eloquent preaching and personal counsel (M'Crie 26).  Knox became a kind of bodyguard for Wishart, and frequently armed himself with a two-handed sword (Maccunn 7).  However, on January 1546, Cardinal David Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews, ordered Wishart's arrest (Jones 9).  He was later found guilty of heresy and was burned on March 1st (9). 

            Knox was considerably influenced by Wishart's life and teachings (Kyle, The Mind of John Knox 51).  So much so that Knox wrote about his deep affection for him in his book entitled, The History of the Reformation in Scotland.  In it Knox declared, "he was a man of such graces as before him were never heard within this realm, yea, and are rare to be found yet in any man" (Knox 52). 

            However, the execution of such a controversial figure would not go unnoticed.  Shortly after this tragic event, some followers of Wishart desired to get revenge (Jones 9).  A group of Wishart's company entered inside the castle of St. Andrews and summoned Cardinal Beaton to repent of the wrong that he had done to Wishart (Percy 42).  After Beaton obeyed, James Melville, a close friend of Wishart, stabbed him two or three times in the body.  The castle was then taken over by the group (the Castilians) and rallied their sympathizers there (Walker 497).  In 1547, they were later joined by Knox, due to the imminent danger that plagued his life, and became their spiritual leader (497). 

            It was at the castle that Knox's abilities as a great teacher and preacher were observed by Henry Balnaves and John Rough (Percy 48).  They had made the decision that Knox should be the next preacher at the castle (49).  The congregation affirmed that it was indeed a good selection, but Knox reluctantly agreed to take the position (49).  The call was later confirmed when Knox attended a service at the Parish church (Jones 10).  It was at this time that Knox stood up in the middle of the preaching and declared that the Catholic Church was not the bride of Christ, but a harlot (10).  He was invited to preach the following Sunday to explain his previous statements (10).  He accepted the offer and became known as "one of the most powerful preachers of the Reformation era" (10).

            However, it was only months after in July of 1547, that a French fleet attacked the castle and took its inhabitants captive (Maccunn 11-12).  The more important people were taken off to prisons in France, while the others, including Knox, were taken to the French galleys, where they spent nineteen months of cruel labor (12).  In addition to heavy physical exertion, the prisoners were pressured to renounce Protestantism (Jones 11).  Knox frequently referred to this experience as "torment" and "affliction" (Lamont 12).

            In February of 1549, the English government called for the release of the prisoners

on board the French galleys (Jones 11). This request was probably conceived by King Edward VI (11). Knox then spent five years in England, and pastored churches at Berwick and Newcastle (Mason 22).  He was later selected as a royal chaplain, which gave him the opportunity to preach before the king (Jones 11).  Knox was later offered the positions of Bisphoric of Rochester and the vicar of All Hallows Church, but declined both appointments (McEwen 1). 

            It was in October of 1552 that The Second Book of Common Prayer was in print (Maccunn 18).  Knox contributed to its publication by adamantly refuting the idea of kneeling at the time of Communion (18).  He stated "kneeling did not imply accepting the doctrine of the bodily presence of Christ in the elements" (Jones 11).  This was known as the "Black Rubric" (Maccunn 18).

            While Knox pastored at Berwick, he met a woman by the name of Elizabeth Bowes (M'Crie 54).  Knox became acquainted with Elizabeth's daughter Marjory, who afterwards became his wife (54).  Knox came to respect and admire Elizabeth Bowes.  This was quite odd considering Knox was often labelled as a "woman hater" (Wright 40).  Nonetheless, Knox considered Elizabeth Bowes "to be the mirror of his soul and an extraordinary exemplar of Christian life" (Frankforter 347).

            There were soon to be more changes on the horizon.  On July 6, 1553, King Edward died (Jones 11).  His successor was none other then Mary Tudor, the daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon and half-sister of Edward VI (Gonzalez 76).  Tudor was determined to "reinstate Catholicism as the national religion" in England (Jones 11).  She had the support of her cousin Charles V and also a number of conservative bishops who had been deposed during the two previous reigns.  Yet, she realized that she must move with caution. 

            As soon as Mary felt secure upon the throne, she began a series of repressive measures against the Protestants.  Late in 1554, England officially returned to obedience to the pope, undoing most of what had been done during the reigns of Henry and Edward.[4]  Then, open persecution of the Protestant leaders became the policy of the kingdom.  She first executed John Rogers in February 1555, but lost other opportunities to perform other executions because the English Protestants had already left the country (Jones 11).  In the end, almost three hundred were burned, while others were imprisoned or went into exile (Gonzalez 77). Knox himself had left in January 1554, and had taken up residence in France (Jones 11).  “For these reasons, the queen was given the name by which she is known to this day: ‘Bloody Mary’” (Gonzalez 77).             

            Shortly after arriving in France, Knox moved on to Geneva where he met John Calvin, and then moved to Zurich, where he met Heinrich Bullinger (Mason 22).[5]  He also pastored an English congregation at Frankfort (22).  It was at Frankfort that Knox would face some of the greatest quarrels of his life (Jones 13).  They all had to do with the question of liturgy (13).  He had objected to the use of the 1552 Book of Common Prayer, and was also not happy with using Calvin's Geneva Order of Service (13).  The congregation compromised by using a service formulated by William Wittingham (13).  When more English exiles arrived, Knox was forced to invent another form of worship, which later became known as the Book of Common Order (13).  This too was rejected, and Knox was dismissed of his duties as pastor (13).  Knox then proceeded back to Geneva (13). 

            While Knox was at Geneva, many of the Reformed doctrines were being adopted by the people back in Scotland (Maccunn 39).  In December of 1557, a certain group decided to renounce Catholicism and make Protestantism the official religion (Jones 14).  They had also decided to invite Knox back to Scotland to help in the work (14).  Knox agreed with their request and returned to Scotland in 1555 (Maccunn 43).  While there he preached for six months.  “But the situation was not yet ripe for revolt, and he returned to Geneva to become the pastor of the church of English speaking refugees there.  He had, however, sowed fruitful seed” (Walker 498).[6]     

            Throughout this time, Knox developed many areas of his theology, and subsequent revolutionary views “on the rights of common people to take up arms against the godless, idolatrous rulers – views not shared by Calvin” (Walker 498).  One of these areas dealt with the issue of "whether it was permissible to resist by force a monarch who was "idolatrous," that is, who promoted Roman Catholicism" (Jones 14).  In 1554, Knox wrote a document called the Admonition to England (14).  In it he attacked leaders who restored Catholicism under Queen Mary Tudor (14).  He also attacked Mary Tudor concerning the validity of her position of power (14).  This was a far cry from the normal belief in Romans chapter 13 regarding the issue that all governing authorities are from God (Kyle, Shocking Politics 18).

            Knox later published a tract in 1558 entitled, The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, "which he argued that it was contrary to nature, God, and His Word to have a woman ruler" (Cairns 320).  However, its composition had come at a particularly bad time in that Mary Tudor had died at around the time period and was succeeded by Elizabeth.  Although Knox had written the book against he now dead half-sister, Elizabeth resented much of what was written therein, for what was said could very easily have applied to her. This hindered the alliance that should have developed between Elizabeth and Knox, whose repeated attempts to reconcile proved to be an exercise in futility (Gonzalez 82).[7] 

            He concluded by publishing his Appellations to the Nobility and Commonality of Scotland, which allowed common folk the right to rebel (Cairns 320).[8] 

            On May 2, 1559, Knox was back in Scotland and later preached a sermon in Perth (Walker 498).  Riots broke out among the people that caused altars and other images to be destroyed (Jones 14).  This action was considered by Mary, regent of Scotland, as “rank rebellion.”  With French troops at her disposal, Mary prepared for battle.  However, both parties proved to be fairly equal, and the result was undecided, though many churches were wrecked and monastic property sacked.  At last, in January 1560, English help came.  On June 11, 1560, the regent Mary died, and her cause perished with her.  “On July 6, a treaty was made between France and England by which French soldiers were withdrawn from Scotland and Frenchmen were barred from all important posts in its government.  The revolution had triumphed through English aid but without forfeiting Scottish national independence, and its inspirer had been Knox” (Walker 498).[9]   

            It seems, however, that Knox was convinced that a clash with the queen was inevitable.  Upon her arrival, Mary insisted on having mass celebrated in her private chapel.  Knox immediately responded by preaching against the “idolatry” of the “new Jezebel.”  The two had a number of tempestuous interviews as time progressed (Gonzalez 83).

            In 1560, the Scottish Parliament, led by Knox, "ended the rule of the pope over Scottish church, declared the Mass to be illegal, and repealed all statutes against heretics" (Cairns 320).  The Parliament ordered Knox and certain other colleagues to write a Confession of Faith, which was completed on August 17, 1560, and was adopted as the creed of the realm (Jones 16/Walker 499). 

            In January, the first Book of Discipline (1560) was presented to Parliament.  It was a marvellous document, attempting to apply the system worked out by Calvin to a whole kingdom.  For example, in each parish there should be a minister and elders who would hold that office by and through the consent of the congregation.  These minister and elders also constituted the disciplinary board.  There would be presbyteries, synods, and over all the ‘General Assembly.’  There would also be ‘readers’ where ministers were not present or the work was too large, and ‘superintendents’ would also be present, to oversee the organization of parishes and recommend ministerial candidates (Walker 499).

            Then in 1564 the Book of Common Order, was published, and later became the "official worship book for Scotland" (Jones 16).[10] In it, all observances not having Scriptural authority were swept away, and Sunday was the only remaining holy day (Walker 499).  Based largely on the English congregation in Geneva, it modeled that of Calvin.  “It allowed, however, even more use of free prayer, the forms given being regarded as models whose strict employment was not obligatory, though the general order and content of the service were definite enough” (Walker 499).

            Knox’s career, however, was over.  By the middle of the 1560’s the hard years of fighting for reformation were taking toll on Knox.  Some believe that he became an embittered man, and at times “he possessed little of the milk of human kindness” (Jones 16).  His health was also deteriorating rapidly.  Yet, he still insisted on preaching even when he had to be carried to the pulpit and his voice had become too weak to reach any but the hearers nearest too him.  He preached his final sermon at St. Gile’s on November 9, 1572, and died on November 14, 1572 at Edinburgh, just five days later (Mason 23). 

            Knox influenced not only the religion but also the character of the nation more than any other person in Scottish history (Walker 501).  His work was to be continued by Andrew Melville (1545-1623) who taught as Beza’s colleague in Geneva from 1568 until his return to Scotland in 1574 (501) His first wife Marjory predeceased him in 1560 (Jones 11).

            In conclusion, John Knox indeed had humble beginnings.  Yet, it became evident that God had a definite purpose for his life.  It is also quite obvious that Knox never had the easy life that some seek. Yet, he never backed away from the call of God to bring about Reformation to Scotland.  Knox was a major contributor to The Scots Confession and The First Book of Discipline (Wright 40), and was also known as one of the most important leaders and preachers of the Reformation in Scotland (40).  The Reformation became more established as time progressed, but "it had gotten its footing in 1560" (Jones 16). This occurred primarily because "of the single-minded devotion and burning sincerity of the 'thundering Scot', John Knox (16).

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            Curiosity concerning the past has long characterized human kind.  This is especially true of those who belong to the Christian Church.  Reason being that the very foundations of the faith they profess is rooted in history.  For instance, God chose the Israelite people out from among the nations of the earth and declared, “Through you all the nations of the earth will be blessed” (Gen. 18:18).  God later became human in the person of Jesus Christ and forever changed the course of human history.  As a result, from the perspective of Christians, history is seen more as an event than as a process or product.  Therefore, “Church history is thus a matter of profound interest to the Christian who desires to be enlightened concerning his spiritual ancestry, to emulate the good examples of the past, and to avoid errors that the church has frequently made” (Cairns 13). 

            No less is true when one reflects upon two of the greatest Church historians of all time – Eusebius and Bede.  Though separated geographically and chronologically, both have written two of the best accounts of the history of the Christian Church to date.  Their accounts have influenced many historical compositions since and will continue to be the benchmarks of historical research and presentation.  Their lives and literary works will be the focus of this paper.

            To work from a chronological basis, it makes perfect sense to begin with Eusebius.  Though there have been numerous dates proposed as to his lifetime, a safe conjecture would be to say that he lived from the early to mid 260’s to the late 330’s AD.  Probably born in the area of Palestine, Eusebius very early in his life became a disciple and close friend of Pamphilus of Caesarea, who presided over a college for students in that location.  Pamphilus was also the founder of the magnificent library which remained for the several centuries the great glory of the Church of Caesarea (Bacchus).  It was this library that furnished much of the historical materials for Eusebius’s later works (Encarta).  Though already involved in actively publishing many individual works, he collaborated with Pamphilus on an edition of the LXX and also in an apologetical work entitled Defence of Origen.  This combined effort continued even during their imprisonment, until Pamphilus was martyred as a result of his confession of faith in Christ.  This incident made an indelible impression upon Eusebius.

            Sometime later Eusebius was released from prison and withdrew to Tyre.  He subsequently fled Tyre during the persecutions of Christians at the beginning of the 4^th century, presumably only to be imprisoned on his arrival in Egypt.  He certainly witnessed a number of martyrdoms during these occasions.  Yet, after 310 the persecutions ceased, and he was released (Encarta). 

Around 314 he was consecrated Bishop of Caesarea, a position he held for the remainder of his life (Williamson 12).  Then, during the Council of Nicaea in 325,  Eusebius delivered the opening address and was made the leader of the Semi-Arians.  He also stood in high favor with Constantine the Great, emperor of Rome, and was one of the most learned men of his time (Encarta).  However, sometime around 337 Constantine died, only to be survived by Eusebius who later wrote The Life of Constantine in honor

 of his friend.  Eusebius died around 339-41 AD.  By far the greatest of Eusebius’ works was entitled The History of the Church

 from Christ to Constantine.  This was a survey of the history of the church from

apostolic times until about 324.  Yet, its notoriety extends not from its style or literary genius, for it certainly lacks any criteria that would classify it as such.  “But it is a storehouse of information collected by an indefatigable student” (Bacchus).  Cairns believes that his ultimate purpose “was to make a record of the past trials of the church at the end of its long period of struggle and the beginning of its era of prosperity” (143).  Williamson takes it one step further and attempts to delineate exactly what Eusebius had in mind.  He believes that Eusebius’ purpose was “to justify the ways of God to men – and the final justification is the overthrow of God’s enemies and the triumph of the Church” (22).  His subsequent theme was the “working of Providence, to be demonstrated not by moral tales but by historical facts” (22). 

            Eusebius’ emphasis is certainly reminiscent of the many martyrs that he witnessed throughout his lifetime.  He has stated that the number of such incidences were immense, numbering no fewer than 146.  Included in this number was Polycarp and his good friend and mentor Pamphilus (Williamson 23).  However, numerous heresies likewise caused him to experience a great deal of distress.  This came out of his love for the Church and its leaders, for heresy “divided the Church and corrupted both faith and morals,” both of which broke his heart (Williamson 23). 

            Yet what about his sources?  Williamson comments that Eusebius’ History is “extremely well documented,” and that he drew “his information from a great number of sources” (24).  Chief of these was the Holy Bible.  When quoting biblical sources he oftentimes did so from memory.  However, in the case of non-biblical works, he rarely if ever relied upon memory.  Seven authors he found to be particularly valuable: Josephus, Irenaeus, Clement, Dionysius of Alexandria, Justin Martyr, Origen, and Hegesippus.  He also utilized many other non-Christian sources such as Homer, Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Demosthenes, and Hippocrates (Williamson 24-5).  Therefore, when referring to the sources used and quoted by Eusebius, one can obviously see that he used such with extreme care and artistry, always concerned with accuracy and integrity.

            Another important and outstanding historian is Bede.  He was born approximately in 672/673 AD near Wearmouth in Northumbria (now Sunderland, England).  However, nothing is known of his parentage.  At the age of seven he was taken to the Monastery of St. Peter, founded by Abbot St. Benedict Biscop, in whose care he was entrusted.  By 685 he was moved to Biscop’s newer Monastery of St. Paul at Jarrow.  Bede was ordained a deacon at 19 years of age and a priest when he was 30.  Apart from visits to Lindisfarne and York, he seems never to have left Wearmouth-Jarrow, but remained there and led a life of prayer and peaceful study.  Buried at Jarrow at around 735, his remains were removed to Durham and are now entombed in the Galilee Chapel of Durham Cathedral (Britannica). 

            Bede was the first person to write scholarly works in the English language.  The vast majority of his work consisted of commentaries on a number of the books of the Bible, from both the Old and New Testaments.  However, “as with most other medieval exegetes, his method of work was largely one of making extracts from the writings of such recognized earlier authorities as Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory the Great” (McClure/Collins xvi). [1]  He also wrote hymns, letters, homilies, works on grammar, chronology, and astronomy.  He is also the first historian to date events Anno Domini (Kiefer).  It is of course as an historian that Bede is chiefly remembered.

            Bede’s best known work is entitled History of the English Church and People.  It gives a history of Britain up to 729, speaking of the Celtic peoples who were converted to Christianity during the first three centuries of the Christian era, and the invasion of the Anglo-Saxon pagans in the fifth and sixth centuries, and their subsequent conversion by Celtic missionaries from the north and west, and Roman missionaries from the south and east.  His work has become the chief source for the history of the British Isles during this period.  Fortunately, he separated fact from fiction and thereby included the sources of his information (Keifer). 

            The question is not so much of what Bede included in his work, as of what he obviously knew about but decided not to include.  “His intentions dictated his selections: he was far from just stuffing into his historical writing all the scraps of information that came to hand” (McClure/Collins xxv).  He used the widest possible of sources that were available to him, including ones that were not historical in character.  He also utilized a critical approach to the literary merits of what he read (McClure/Collins xxv).  Yet, Bede made considerable use of the manuscript called Liber Pontificalis.  This was a collection of papal biographies that Bede used as a primary source of information.

            Most of his Bede’s work focused on the Bible and the calculation of dates and times.  His interest in and knowledge of the Bible helped shape both the purposes and the literary style that he used in writing his Ecclesiastical History. [2]  He also had learned from the first great historian Eusebius of Caesarea, whose History influenced his view of the purpose of historical writing, and in its use of sources and inclusion of documents lent him a methodology (McClure/Collins xviii).

            Bede’s studies and writings were devoted to religious purpose.  “The central theme of his Historia Ecclesiastica is that of the church as a force welding spiritual, doctrinal, and cultural unity out of violence and barbarism” (Partner).  He also had other emphases that featured prominently throughout his writings.  Two of the most significant were his interest in the miraculous and the correct way to calculate the date of Easter.  This indicates Bede’s incorporation of ‘selective history’ within his writings.  “It is possible to see what particularly interested him and what he thought the purposes of his own works might be,” through the selective use of his sources.  “Although overloaded with the miraculous, it is the work of a scholar anxious to assess the accuracy of his sources and to record only what he regarded as trustworthy evidence.  It remains an indispensable source for some of the facts and much of the feel of early Anglo-Saxon history” (Britannica). 

            In terms of which historical narrative I would utilize in a sermon or Bible study, it would seem that Eusebius’ account would be very informative and helpful.  As was previously mentioned, he often spoke of the many martyrs that died because of their witness to the Gospel of Jesus Christ.  They paid the ultimate price for their faith, a price that should speak to us of our commitment to Christ and His Church in the 21^st century.  I realize that centuries separate them from us, and that the cultural differences are staggering, yet our commitment to Christ should be the same.  How would I react if I were placed in a similar situation?  Would I bend the knee to Christ or to the state?

            In conclusion, history is most definitely an important part of the Christian faith.  In fact, Christianity itself is an historical religion; rooted and embedded in the person of God and His Christ.  In addition, the Church that bears His Name is also an historical entity unto itself.  Its history expands over a two thousand year period, and includes many events that are paramount to the faith it professes.  The most significant encompassing the incarnation of Christ, his life, death, and resurrection.  Yet one feature of history is that it happens continuously, as fast as the unlocked wheels of time will carry us.  May we always be faithful to the Christ who called us and work together to make history a positive event in the timetable of our lives.

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Bibliography

Bacchus, F.J.  “Eusebius of Caesarea.”  The Catholic Encyclopedia – Vol. 5.  Online

Edition.  Robert Appleton Comp, 1999.

“Bede the Venerable, Saint” Encyclopedia Britannica Online.

http://search.eb.com/bol/topic?eu=14245&sctn=1

Cairns, Earle E.  Christianity Through the Centuries.  Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1981.

“Eusebius of Caesarea.”  Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2000.

http://encarta.msn.com

Kiefer, James E.  “Bede the Venerable, Priest, Monk, Scholar 25 May 735.”

http://justus.anglican.org/resources/bio/169.html

McClure, Judith and Roger Collins.  The Ecclesiastical History of the English People.

Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Partner, Nancy F.  “Bede the Venerable, Saint.”  Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia

2000.    http://encarta.msn.com.

Thurston, Herbert.  “The Venerable Bede.”  The Catholic Encyclopedia – Vol. II.  Robert

Appleton Company.  Online Edition, 1999.

Williamson, G.A.  The History of the Church from Christ to Constantine.  Bungay:

Richard Clay & Company, 1965.